Under successive ANC administrations, from Mandela to Ramaphosa, the party has promised pro-poor policies. But more often than not, it’s the party and its allies who benefit.
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Under successive ANC administrations, from Mandela to Ramaphosa, the party has promised pro-poor policies. But more often than not, it’s the party and its allies who benefit.
By Edwin Naidu
As South Africa observes Youth Day on June 16, nearly five decades after the 1976 Soweto Uprisings, the call to reflect on the bravery of that generation grows louder.
On that day, schoolchildren stood up against the imposition of Afrikaans in schools, a language that symbolised apartheid’s oppression. Their courage ignited a national movement that would help topple a brutal regime and shape the country’s path to democracy.
Yet, in 2025, the legacy of those young heroes is being diluted. The language they revolted against, Afrikaans, remains entrenched, protected as one of the country’s official languages and prominently represented in education, business, and media institutions like Media24 and MultiChoice (now reportedly being sold to a French company). Ironically, Afrikaners continue to hold significant influence in the economy, academia, and mainstream narratives.
That influence has extended into global discourse. Misinformation campaigns often spearheaded by organisations like AfriForum have convinced some foreign audiences of a fictitious “genocide” against white South Africans. So effective has this messaging been that, to date, 49 individuals from South Africa have been granted asylum in the United States on such false pretences.
As the ANC faces its weakest political position since 1994, entering a Government of National Unity after the 2024 election, nationalist rhetoric has grown bolder. Jacob Zuma’s famous declaration that the ANC would govern “until Jesus comes” now feels hollow. If current trends persist, it’s more likely the ANC will lose power before the National Prosecuting Authority manages to bring the Guptas to justice.
Under successive ANC administrations, from Mandela to Ramaphosa, the party has promised pro-poor policies. But more often than not, it’s the party and its allies who benefit. A black middle class and elite have emerged, many closely tied to the ruling party. Allegations persist that billionaire businessman Patrice Motsepe may be approached to bankroll the ANC’s return to power, a rumour that, true or not, signals a party adrift, lacking leadership and new ideas.
Despite decades of political freedom, young South Africans face immense challenges. According to Statistics South Africa’s latest Quarterly Labour Force Survey (Q1 2025), more than 10.3 million people aged 15 to 34 remain unemployed or out of the labour force. Youth unemployment has shown little improvement over the last ten years.
Youth Day is supposed to honour the 1976 generation. But what does that legacy mean today when so many young people are locked out of economic opportunity? While political slogans like “Skills for a Changing World – Empowering Youth for Meaningful Economic Participation” dominate Youth Month, the lived experience of most young people tells a different story.
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The government’s response through initiatives like Sector Education and Training Authorities (SETAs) was meant to equip youth with skills for the labour market. But SETAs have become mired in inefficiency and corruption. Under former Higher Education Minister Dr Blade Nzimande, many were run by comrades and struggle veterans, resulting in poor governance and little impact. At one point, half of the country’s 21 SETAs received adverse audit findings.
Rather than empowering the youth, SETAs have enriched those managing them. The situation hasn’t improved much. Dr Nobuhle Nkabane, who succeeded Nzimande, recently appointed the son of her former boss, Gwede Mantashe, as chair of a SETA. The backlash was swift, forcing her to reverse the decision. She claimed an advisory board made the recommendation, except that no such board exists. This isn’t just bad optics, it’s a betrayal of public trust.
Ministers before her surrounded themselves with experienced advisers. Nkabane should do the same. There are plenty of experts willing to help reform these institutions. Failure to do so will leave youth further behind.
It’s not Julius Malema, Fikile Mbalula, or Floyd Shivambu, once icons of youth activism, who will lead the next generation. These political veterans are far removed from the hunger and frustration facing today’s youth. Instead, the future depends on young people rediscovering their voice, not waiting for direction from ageing politicians.
The 1976 generation stood up for their right to be educated in their own language. The 2025 generation must now stand up for their right to work, learn, and thrive in a society that seems to have forgotten them.
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The youth of 2025 must stop waiting for handouts from political elites who care more about maintaining power than creating opportunities. It’s time to challenge empty promises and demand real accountability, just as the youth of 1976 did.
Their example should not just be remembered; it should be relived. Their spirit should not be reduced to commemorative speeches, it should be reignited in action.
South Africa’s youth must reclaim their future. And it starts by rediscovering their voice.
Edwin Naidu is a communications professional and founder of Higher Education Media Services.
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